A country abounding with merchants and manufacturers necessarily abounds with a set of
people through whose hands not only their own capitals, but the capitals of all those who
either lend them money, or trust them with goods, pass as frequently, or more frequently, than
the revenue of a private man, who, without trade or business, lives upon his income, passes
through his hands. The revenue of such a man can regularly pass through his hands only once
in a year. But the whole amount of the capital and credit of a merchant, who deals in a trade
of which the returns are very quick, may sometimes pass through his hands two, three, or four
times a year. A country abounding with merchants and manufacturers, therefore, necessarily
abounds with a set of people who have it at all times in their power to advance, if they choose
to do so, a very large sum of money to government. Hence the ability in the subjects of a
commercial state to lend.
Commerce and manufactures can mulberry bayswater bag uk seldom flourish long in any state which does not enjoy a
regular administration of justice, in which the people do not feel themselves secure in the
possession of their property, in which the faith of contracts is not supported by law, and in
which the authority of the state is not supposed to be regularly employed in enforcing the
payment of debts from all those who are able to pay. Commerce and manufactures, in short,
can seldom flourish in any state in which there is not a certain degree of confidence in the
justice of government. The same confidence which disposes great merchants and
manufacturers, upon ordinary occasions, to trust their property to the protection of a particular
government, disposes them, upon extraordinary occasions, to trust that government with the
use of their property. By lending money to government, they do not even for a moment
diminish their ability to carry on their trade and manufactures. On the contrary, they
commonly augment it. The necessities of the state render government upon most occasions
willing to borrow upon terms extremely advantageous to the lender. The security which it
grants to the original creditor is made transferable to any other creditor, and, from the
universal confidence in the justice of the state, generally sells in the market for more than was
originally paid for it. The merchant or monied man makes money by lending money to
government, and instead of diminishing, increases his trading capital. He generally considers
it as a favour, therefore, when the administration admits him to a share in the first subscription
for a new loan. Hence the inclination or willingness in the subjects of a commercial state to
The government of such a state is very apt to repose itself upon mulberry mitzy bag sale this ability and willingness
of its subjects to lend it their money on extraordinary occasions. It foresees the facility of
borrowing, and therefore dispenses itself from the duty of saving.
In a rude state of society there are no great mercantile or manufacturing capitals. The
individuals who hoard whatever money they can save, and who conceal their hoard, do so
from a distrust of the justice of government, from a fear that if it was known that they had a
hoard, and where that hoard was to be found, they would quickly be plundered. In such a state
of things few people would be able, and nobody would be willing, to lend their money to
government on extraordinary exigencies. The sovereign feels that he must provide for such
exigencies by saving because he foresees the absolute impossibility of borrowing. This
foresight increases still further his natural disposition to save.
In a commercial country abounding with every sort of expensive luxury, the sovereign, in
the same manner as almost all the great proprietors in his dominions, naturally spends a great
part of his revenue in purchasing those luxuries. His own and the neighbouring countries
supply him abundantly with all the costly trinkets which compose the splendid but
insignificant pageantry of a court. For the sake of an inferior pageantry of the same kind, his
nobles dismiss their retainers, make their tenants independent, and become gradually
themselves as insignificant as the greater part of the wealthy burghers in his dominions. The
same frivolous passions which influence their conduct influence his. How can it be supposed
that he should be the only rich man in his dominions who is insensible to pleasures of this
kind? If he does not, what he is very likely to do, spend upon those wallets womens uk pleasures so great a part of
his revenue as to debilitate very much the defensive power of the state, it cannot well be
expected that he should not spend upon them all that part of it which is over and above what is
necessary for supporting that defensive power. His ordinary expense becomes equal to his
ordinary revenue, and it is well if it does not frequently exceed it. The amassing of treasure
can no longer be expected, and when extraordinary exigencies require extraordinary expenses,
he must necessarily call upon his subjects for an extraordinary aid. The present and the late
king of Prussia are the only great princes of Europe who, since the death of Henry IV of
France in 1610, are supposed to have amassed any considerable treasure. The parsimony
which leads to accumulation has become almost as rare in republican as in monarchical
governments. The Italian republics, the United Provinces of the Netherlands, are all in debt.
The canton of Berne is the single republic in Europe which has amassed any considerable
treasure. The other Swiss republics have not. The taste for some sort of pageantry, for
splendid buildings, at least, and other public ornaments, frequently prevails as much in the
apparently sober senate-house of a little republic as in the dissipated court of the greatest king.
The want of parsimony in time of peace imposes the necessity of contracting debt in time
of war. When war comes, there is no money in the treasury but what is necessary for carrying
on the ordinary expense of the peace establishment. In war an establishment of three of four
times that expense becomes necessary for the defence of the state, and consequently a revenue
three or four times greater than the peace revenue. Supposing that the sovereign should have,
what he scarce ever has, the immediate means of augmenting his revenue in proportion to the
augmentation of his expense, yet still the produce of the taxes, from which this increase of
revenue must be drawn, will not begin to come into the treasury till perhaps ten or twelve
months after they are imposed. But the moment in which war begins, or rather the moment in
which it appears mulberry daria bag uk likely to begin, the army must be augmented, the fleet must be fitted out, the
garrisoned towns must be put into a posture of defence; that army, that fleet, those garrisoned
towns must be furnished with arms, ammunition, and provisions. An immediate and great
expense must be incurred in that moment of immediate danger, which will not wait for the
gradual and slow returns of the new taxes. In this exigency government can have no other
resource but in borrowing.
The same commercial state of society which, by the operation of moral causes, brings
government in this manner into the necessity of borrowing, produces in the subjects both an
ability and an inclination to lend. If it commonly brings along with it the necessity of
borrowing, it likewise brings along with it the facility of doing so.
Of Public Debts
IN that rude state of society which precedes the extension of commerce and the improvement
of manufactures, when those expensive luxuries which commerce and manufactures can alone
introduce are altogether unknown, the person who possesses a large revenue, I have
endeavoured to show in the third book of this Inquiry, can spend or enjoy that revenue in no
other way than by maintaining nearly as many people as it can maintain. A large revenue may
at all times be said to consist in the command of a large quantity of the necessaries of life. In
that rude state of things it is commonly paid in a large quantity of those necessaries, in the
materials of plain food and coarse clothing, in corn and cattle, in wool and raw hides. When
neither commerce nor manufactures furnish anything for which the owner can exchange the
greater part of those materials which are over and above his own consumption, he can do
nothing with the surplus mulberry satchel bag sale but feed and clothe nearly as many people as it will feed and clothe.
A hospitality in which there is no luxury, and a liberality in which there is no ostentation,
occasion, in this situation of things, the principal expenses of the rich and the great. But these,
I have likewise endeavoured to show in the same book, are expenses by which people are not
very apt to ruin themselves. The re is not, perhaps, any selfish pleasure so frivolous of which
the pursuit has not sometimes ruined even sensible men. A passion for cock- fighting has
ruined many. But the instances, I believe, are not very numerous of people who have been
ruined by a hospitality or liberality of this kind, though the hospitality of luxury and the
liberality of ostentation have ruined many. Among our feudal ancestors, the long time during
which estates used to continue in the same family sufficiently demonstrates the general
disposition of people to live within their income. Though the rustic hospitality constantly
exercised by the great land-holders may not, to us in the present times, seem consistent with
that order which we are apt to consider as inseparably connected with good economy, yet we
must certainly allow them to have been at least so far frugal as not commonly to have spent
their whole income. A part of their wool and raw hides they had generally an opportunity of
selling for money. Some part of this money, perhaps, they spent in purchasing the few objects
of vanity and luxury with which the circumstances of the times could furnish them; but some
part of it they seem commonly to have hoarded. They could not well, indeed, do anything else
but hoard whatever money they saved. To trade was disgraceful to a gentleman, and to lend
money at interest, which at that time was considered as usury and prohibited by law, would
have been still more so. In those times of violence and disorder, besides, it was convenient to
have a hoard of money at hand, that in case they should be driven from their own home they
might have something of known value to carry with them to some place of safety. The same
violence which made it convenient to hoard made it equally convenient to conceal the hoard.
The frequency of treasure-trove, or of treasure mulberry briefcases bags uk found of which no owner was known,
sufficiently demonstrates the frequency in those times both of hoarding and of concealing the
board. Treasure-trove was then considered as an important branch of the revenue of the
sovereign. All the treasure-trove of the kingdom would scarce perhaps in the present times
make an important branch of the revenue of a private gentleman of a good estate.
The same disposition to save and to hoard prevailed in the sovereign as well as in the
subjects. Among nations to whom commerce and manufactures are little known, the
sovereign, it has already been observed in the fourth book, is in a situation which naturally
disposes him to the parsimony requisite for accumulation. In that situation the expense even
of a sovereign cannot be directed by that vanity which delights in the gaudy finery of a court.
The ignorance of the times affords but few of the trinkets in which that finery consists.
Standing armies are not then necessary, so that the expense even of a sovereign, like that of
any other great lord, can be employed in scarce anything but bounty to his tenants and
hospitality to his retainers. But bounty and hospitality very seldom lead to extravagance;
though vanity almost always does. All the ancient sovereigns of Europe accordingly, it has
already been observed, had treasures. Every Tartar chief in the present times is said to have
With these advantages it might be expected that in France a revenue of
thirty millions might be levied for the support of the state with as little inconveniency as a
revenue of ten millions is in Great Britain. In 1765 and 1766, the whole revenue paid into the
treasury of France, according to the best, though, I acknowledge, very imperfect, accounts
which I could get of it, usually run between 308 and 325 millions of livres; that is, it did not
amount to fifteen millions sterling; not the half of what might have been expected had the
people contributed in the same proportion to their numbers as the people of Great Britain. The
people of France, however, it is generally acknowledged, are much more oppressed by taxes
than the people of Great Britain. France, however, is certainly the great empire in Europe
which, after that of Great Britain, enjoys the mulberry handbags uk mildest and most indulgent government.
In Holland the heavy taxes upon the necessaries of life have ruined, it is said, their principal
manufactures, and are likely to discourage gradually even the ir fisheries and their trade in
shipbuilding. The taxes upon the necessaries of life are inconsiderable in Great Britain, and no
manufacture has hitherto been ruined by them. The British taxes which bear hardest on
manufactures are some duties upon the importation of raw materials, particularly upon that of
raw silk. The revenue of the states-general and of the different cities, however, is said to
amount to more than five millions two hundred and fifty thousand pounds sterling; and as the
inhabitants of the United Provinces cannot well be supposed to amount to more than a third
part of those of Great Britain, they must, in proportion to their number, be much more heavily
After all the proper subjects of taxation have been exhausted, if the exigencies of the state
still continue to require new taxes, they must be imposed upon improper ones. The taxes upon
the necessaries of life, therefore, the wisdom of that republic which, in order to acquire and to
maintain its independency, has, in spite of its great frugality, been involved in such expensive
wars as have obliged it to contract great debts. The singular countries of Holland and Zeeland,
besides, require a considerable expense even to preserve their existence, or to prevent their
being swallowed up by the sea, which must have contributed to increase considerably the load
of taxes in those two provinces. The republican form of government seems to be the principal
support of the present grandeur of Holland. The owners of great capitals, the great mercantile
families, have generally either some direct share or some indirect influence in the
administration of that government. For the sake of the respect and authority which they derive
from this situation, they are willing to live in a holdalls bags mens uk country where their capital, if they employ it
themselves, will bring them less profit, and if they lend it to another, less interest; and where
the very moderate revenue which they can draw from it will purchase less of the necessaries
and conveniences of life than in any other part of Europe. The residence of such wealthy
people necessarily keeps alive, in spite of all disadvantages, a certain degree of industry in the
country. Any public calamity which should destroy the republican form of government, which
should throw the whole administration into the hands of nobles and of soldiers, which should
annihilate altogether the importance of those wealthy merchants, would soon render it
disagreeable to them to live in a country where they were no longer likely to be much
respected. They would remove both their residences and their capitals to some other country,
and the industry and commerce of Holland would soon follow the capitals which supported
- Hochzeitskleider All Over The World
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